The French Constitution

France is a republic; the institutions of governance of France are defined by theconstitution, more specifically by the current constitution, being that of the Fifth Republic. The Constitution has been modified several times since the start of the Fifth Republic, most recently in July 2008, when the French â€Å"Congress† (A Joint convention of the two chambers of Parliament) approved – by 1 vote over the 60% majority required – constitutional changes proposed by President Sarkozy.The Fifth Republic: The fifth republic was established In 1958, and was largely the ork of General de Gaulle – Its first president, and Michel Debr © his prime minister. It has been amended 1 7 times. Though the French constitution Is parliamentary, It gave relatively extensive powers to the executive (President and Ministers) compared to other western democracies. The executive branch: The head of state and head of the executive is the President, elected by universal suffrage. Since May 201 2, France's president is Franqois Hollande.Originally, a president of the Fifth Republic was elected for a 7-year term (le septennat), renewable any number of times. Since 2002 the President has been elected for a 5- year term (le quinquennat). Since the passing of the 2008 Constitutional reform, the maximum number of terms a president can serve has been limited to two. The President, who is also supreme commander of the military, determines policy with the aid of his Council of Ministers (Conseil des ministres). The residence of the President of the French Republic is the Elys ©e Palace (le palais de l'Elys ©e) in Paris.The President appoints a prime minister (currently – 2012 – Jean-Marc Ayrault) , who forms a government. The residence of the French Prime Minister is at Matignon House (l'H ¶tel Matignon) in Paris. In theory ministers are chosen by the PM; in practice unless the President and the PM are from dfferent sides of the political spectru m (a system known as la cohabitation), PM and president work together to form a government. The President must approve the appointment of government ministers.The cabinet, le Consen des ministres, meets on a weekly basis, and Is presided over by the president. Ministers determine policy and put new legislation before Parliament In the form of bills (projets de 101); wlthln the framework of existing law, hey apply policy through decrees (d ©crets). The legislative branch: The French parliament Is made up of two houses or chambers. The lower and principal house of parliament is the Assembl ©e nationale, or national assembly: the elected by universal suffrage, in general elections ( ©lections l ©gislatives) that take place every five years.Senators are elected by â€Å"grand electors†, who are mostly other local elected representatives. The electoral system for parliamentary elections involves two rounds; a candidate can be elected on the first round by obtaining an abso lute majority of votes cast. The second round is a runoff between two or more candidates, usually two.. The Judicial branch: While the Minister of Justice, le Garde des Sceaux, has powers over the running of the Justice system and public prosecutors, the Judiciary is strongly independent of the executive and legislative branches.The official handbook of French civil law is theCode Civil. Promulgation of laws: New bills (projets de lot), proposed by government, and new pivate members bills (propositions de lot) must be approved by both chambers, before becoming law. However, by virtue of Article 49. of the French constitution, a government can override parliamentary opposition and pass a law without a parilimentary vote. This does not happen frequently, and in the framework of constitutional amendments, president Sarkozy curtailed the possibility of using 49. . Laws and decrees are promulgated when the official text is published in the Official Journal of the French Republic, le Jour nal Officiel. The Constitutional Council The Constitutional Council , le Conseil constitutionnel, exists to determine the constitutionality of new legislation or decrees. It has powers to strike down a bill efore it passes into law, if it is deemed unconstitutional, or to demand the withdrawal of decrees even after promulgation.The Council is made up of nine members, appointed (three each) by the President of the Republic, the leader of the National Assembly, and the leader of the Senate, plus all surviving former heads of state. Political parties; In 2012, France is governed by the Socialist Party and allies..

General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay

Do you detect any general trend or trends in the pattern of English politics before the Viking invasions? Although there were sporadic Viking attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms from 793 onwards, the Viking invasions, when large forces started to appear for sustained campaigns, should probably be seen as beginning in 865, when a â€Å"heathen army† encamped on Thanet.1 Before this time, we see a trend in English politics of increasingly extensive overlordship of some kings over others. There is debate about the extent of these overlordships, but it seems reasonable to suggest that certain kings at certain times were able to dominate other kingdoms, and also that there was some increase in the area a king might aspire to control. However, there is more argument about what this trend might mean, and particularly whether it can be seen as part of an inexorable progression towards the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the ninth and tenth centuries. I shall argue that the pattern tended to a limit, and that there is no reason to see unification as its inevitable result, for three main reasons. Firstly, we see another trend that, as kingdoms grew both in size and strength, it became harder to convert overlordship into amalgamation, although this is seen in some cases. Secondly, I shall contend that the overlordship seen was based upon opportunism, with little or no institutional continuity between different overlords. Thirdly, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics was such that no kingdom before the Viking invasions could sustain its ascendancy sufficiently for the trends to represent long-term moves towards unification. The best way to explain the eventual unification is not as a result of long-term trends, but as West Saxon opportunism at a time when the other kingdoms were weak, buttressed by a latent sense of united ecclesiastical identity, which the Viking threat brought to the surface. The main trend that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms is the growth of overlordship, whereby one political unit, while retaining a degree of separate identity, and quite possibly its own ruler, was dominated by another. Bede uses a variety of terms to refer to different rulers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The impression that one gets from this is a complex patchwork of kings, with some subordinate to others: Dumville and Campbell both justifiably point out that the terminological variety suggests that there was no universal pattern, but a web of dependent relationships; this is similar to the situation in Ireland at the same time. It is likely that such relationships go back to the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period; Kirby points out that this would hardly be surprising, since Tacitus describes similar hierarchies in Germany. However, we do see overlordship being exercised over increasingly large areas: the traditional starting point here is Bede’s lis t of seven kings who ruled â€Å"over all the southern kingdoms†. 2 The evidence does generally support the view that these kings exercised considerable power over large parts of England. Keynes asserts that it is inconceivable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the first two rulers, could have wide ranging power. We know little about them, but the Chronicle entries do suggest that they were significant and had successes, particularly against the Britons.3 Furthermore, Myres’ studies of the distribution of pottery fragments suggest that both rulers exercised some authority in the Midlands and East Anglia, since pottery finds match those in their native kingdoms. The evidence is not sufficient to suggest that they had control as far north as the Humber, but we would be unwise to dismiss the idea that these kings had some form of overlordship over much of southern England. Furthermore, Keynes is sceptical about Aethelbert of Kent’s power, suggesting that Bede’s reiteration of the claim that he was king of all the land south of the Humber4 shows that this was dubious, requiring repetition to convince readers. However, the papal appeal that Aethelbert should spread the Word to his subjects suggests that he had considerable power, as Higham argues, even if he was not literally â€Å"king of the English†, the style accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less easy to rebut Keynes’ diminution of Raedwald of East Anglia, since we know very little about him. If we could be more certain that the person buried at Sutton Hoo is indeed Raedwald (as many historians posit), we could assume that he was a very rich and powerful king; however, Keynes does not give us any positive reason to doubt Bede’s claim regarding Raedwald’s wide overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes inflated claims about the scope of the influence of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbria, there is no strong evidence to support this: Bede’s account is internally consistent, giving examples of these kings intervening in the Mevanian Islands (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 East Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at various times. These interventions could be entirely military (as is implied for the islands) or could involve peaceful shows of power, such as Oswald’s participation in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It seems reasonable to conclude that these kings did exert influence across large parts of Southumbria and it appears that the areas they could control increased; Keynes’ attempt to deny extensive overlordship in this period to strengthen his (already strong) case against a formal Bretwaldic institution is not particularly convincing. Furthermore, overlordship did not end with Oswiu: indeed, the later Mercian kings were possibly even more successful in securing practical overlordship across much of Southumbria. Bede acknowledges that the southern kingdoms were subject to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 supporting Dumville’s conclusion that the omission of the Mercian kings from the earlier list was prompted by concern to curtail the digression from Aethelbert’s death, rather than Northumbrian bias. There is evidence of Mercian hegemony in the south before Aethelbald: Bede explicitly states that the South Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfhere’s ability to draw forces from all the southern kingdoms.12 Furthermore, charters give us evidence that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria: in the Ismere Diploma, Aethelbald is styled â€Å"king not only of the Mercians but also of all provinces which are called by the general name ‘South English'†;13 Offa could confirm a land grant by an ealdorman of the South Saxons;14 Offa was apparently the â€Å"most beloved lord† of the Hwicce;15 Offa was in a position to revoke a grant of land by the King Egbert of Kent;16 Wiglaf could grant land in Worcestershire;17 and Brihtwulf could do the same in Berkshire.18 This charter evidence is very important: it demonstrates that the kings of Mercia in this period claimed authority over other southern kingdoms and also implies that this authorit y could have practical manifestations, such as the right to grant land or at least to confirm grants made by their underkings. The extent of their authority seems to decline after Offa, but the principle of overlordship, in a more limited sense, continued. One of the most debated possible indicators of widespread Mercian overlordship is the document known as the Tribal Hidage. The difficulties and ambiguities of this text are such that the charter evidence cited is a far stronger sign of extensive Mercian overlordship, but there is a significant possibility that the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, estimating the tribute that the Mercian kings hoped to collect from southern kingdoms. Higham’s bold self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that such levels of certainty are wholly inappropriate in this context: all we can do is suggest hypotheses, while accepting that other hypotheses may be valid. As Featherstone and Sawyer point out, the methodical arrangement, with the kingdoms being arranged in an approximately clockwise order around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The inclusion of a figure for Mercia, which Higham sees as evidence that the document is a Northumbrian tribute list, might be an assessment of internal food renders, Featherstone suggests. The preservation and copying of the Tribal Hidage imply that there was some practical purpose in estimating the hidation of Southumbria: it is still possible to accept tentatively the claims of Davies and Vierck that the Tribal Hidage is an indicator of widespread Mercian overlordship. There is some agreement that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle appends to Bede’s list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A – ‘ruler of Britain’) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts – ‘wide ruler’), was overlord of extensive territories. Keynes accepts the Chronicle’s claim that Egbert â€Å"conquered the kingdom of the Mercians, and everything south of the Humber†;19 this statement must cast doubt upon Stenton’s assertion that the extent of Egbert’s overlordship was not comparable to Offa’s. Nevertheless, Keynes’ claim that Egbert was the first, not the eighth, wide ruler is dubious: the evidence very strongly suggests that overlordship had been an aspect of Anglo-Saxon politics for centuries. However, the territories being brought under a single overlord were tending to increase in scale: the archaeological record suggests that the early great kings, like Aelle and Ceawlin, could aspire to rule much of the land south of the Humber, but nothing like as much as the later Mercians and Egbert. This trend was not relentless: in the period between Offa and Egbert, there is little evidence of comprehensive overlordship on the scale of either of these rulers. Although we observe this trend towards the formation of more extensive overlordships, we should not conclude, as Stenton and John do, that this trend could be extrapolated to encompass the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to have been increasingly difficult to convert overlordship into the actual amalgamation of kingdoms. Initially, with small kingdoms, it may not have been unduly difficult to effect such assimilation: Yorke points out that East Kent seems to have consumed West Kent sometime during the sixth century. Indeed, much amalgamation probably occurred in the sixth century, before the various kingdoms that we see emerged. Furthermore, it was often possible for a larger kingdom to digest a smaller one: this is seen in the cases of Deira (eventually subsumed into Bernicia after 651) and the Hwicce (gradually divested of independence by Mercia in the eighth century). However, integration was not always smooth: despite being united under Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was ruled separately under Oswine from 642 until 651. In the latter part of the pre-Viking period, it would have been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume another permanently: this is suggested by the fact that, despite their struggles and periods of subjection to one another, Northumbria, East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An illustration of this difficulty is the case of Mercia: Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia directly for three years after his victory in 655; he was driven out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egbert’s domination of Mercia was not secure: he was recognised as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830. Indeed, it would seem that political union was most successful when it was pursued gently: unlike Offa’s aggressive attempts to dominate Kent from 764 until 785, Wessex’s absorption of Kent and Sussex was done with sensitivity to the local nobles; this did, however, mean that the sense of union was perhaps not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulf’s proposed division of Greater Wessex, with Aethelbert succeeding in the East and his other sons taking Wessex itself in turn. However, unification in the ninth and tenth centuries can be explained in that the situation after the coming of the Vikings was different, since Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria were seriously weakened by the attacks, aiding Wessex’s expansion. Moreover, the overlordship that we see was probably highly opportunistic, without institutional underpinnings. Yorke is probably right that the principal motivation for overlordship was the collection of tribute: Bede mentions tribute in connection with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfhere’s purpose in attacking Northumbria was to gain tribute.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumably have conquered a tribe like the Hicca (assessed at a mere 300 hides in the Tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so; that such tribes existed as notionally independent entities suggests that, if the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, the Mercians were content with tribute rather than political union. However, John argues that there was some kind of institutional framework and that overlordship was being gradually translated into unification. Key to this argument is the adoption of formal titles by kings: John contends that the ideal of a united Britain was a real one in kings’ minds, citing the use of various titles. The most famous of these is Bretwalda or, as John prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;22 I shall not become drawn into an argument about which style is the original, because the ambiguity and confusion is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to cast doubt upon the existence of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was copying the manuscripts was not familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary construct devised retrospectively to describe Egbert; its frequent application to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is therefore probably anachronistic and Kirby’s vision of kings â€Å"striving to become Bretwalda†23 is most likely to be fanciful. John also argues that other titles imply the existence of some kind of abstract concept of overlordship separate from the individual kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was â€Å"ordained by God as emperor of all of Britain†24 and that Boniface refers to Aethelbald â€Å"wielding the glorious sceptre of imperial rule over the English†.25 This evidence, combined with the point about Bretwaldas, is a rather thin basis for a case: it is quite possible that the titles were simply being used for flattery; the fact that Boniface calls Aethelbald â€Å"king of the Mercians† in his letter asking Herefrith to deliver the previous communication suggests that the imperial title used in the letter to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also generally styled â€Å"king of the Mercians†,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of various kingdoms, rather than stressing title s of institutional overlordship. If there was no institution of overlordship, each de facto overlordship would have to start afresh in trying to create cohesion: the trend of increasingly extensive overlordship was not therefore destined to result in the formation of England, since there was often little continuity between the different overlords. The sense of common identity that began to emerge by the later ninth century (Alfred could speak of Angelkynn and Englisc) probably had far more to do with religious unity in the face of the pagan Viking threat. As Wormald argues, the Church, rather than the so-called Bretwaldas, was the institution that provided a common reference point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the Gens Anglorum was a chosen people, selected to receive the Word. Given that there were most probably no institutions to produce continuity in overlordship, momentum towards unification could only be maintained as long as a particular kingdom was in the ascendant; however, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics in this period was such that success tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very quickly after defeats at the Battle of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to have declined gradually after Offa. There was, to a significant extent, a natural instability in the pattern of politics: kings required land to grant to warriors (to secure their support), which required the conquest of land, which required more warriors; this pattern was clearly unsustainable in the longer term. The importance of giving gifts to warriors is seen in â€Å"Beowulf†, where Hrothgar says that he will â€Å"dispense / his God-given goods to young and old†;29 Bede shows that such gifts were necessary in the real world, expressing concern that excessive endowment of secularised monasteries had left Northumbria with insufficient land to grant to warriors. 30 There is evidence to suggest that warriors would desert their lord, if he ceased to provide them with treasure and land: Aldhelm expresses disapproval of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the importance of conquering new lands explains why the initiative shifted away from the south-east to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex: these kingdoms could, at least for a while, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A notable feature of both â€Å"Beowulf† and Anglo-Saxon politics is that kingdoms tended to come to grief sooner or later; success was rarely lasting. Another source of instability was internal dynastic politics: there seem to have been frequent civil wars. This is hardly surprising given that, according to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the throne through descent in the male line from the founder of the kingdom: the â€Å"multiplicity of aethelings†32 would not infrequently compete for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of Durham demonstrates that four different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian throne between 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and (probably forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic instability in Mercia, in that Offa decided to eliminate his son Cenwulf’s potential competitors; Alcuin attributes conflict in Cenwulf’s reign to this policy and says that â€Å"this was not the strengthening of his kingdom, but its ruin†. 34 Given that there were such internal problems, it is hardly surprising that kingdoms could lose overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The importance of dynastic stability is seen in the eventual rise of Wessex: Egbert’s successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably engaged in dynastic wrangles; Campbell suspects that neither Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were related to their predecessors. On the other hand, the West Saxon succession was more stable, as Dumville points out: this is seen in the succession in turn of Aethelwulf’s sons, even if it did not conform entirely to Aethelwulf’s intentions. However, dynastic tension was generally a feature of the pre-Viking period: this contributed to the rapid rise and fall of kingdoms, meaning that overlordship could not consolidate into unification. We do therefore see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it must be noted that this trend was gradual and not entirely linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to exert influence over far larger areas just before the Viking invasions than others could at the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate this trend and interpret it as some kind of progression towards the eventual unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the West Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamation as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms. We see that, before the later ninth and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress might conceivably have been made towards unification under one overlord was lost when his kingdom’s power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that mostly could not have been foreseen: it was able to take advantage of the weakness of the other English kingdoms in the wake of the Viking attacks and could exploit the latent sense of religious unity, which was probably made stronger by the common, external, pagan threat. Bassett’s extended metaphor of a knockout football competition, which inevitably produces a single winner, is not particularly apposite; while we might nowadays modify Kemble’s nineteenth century allusions (he described overlordship as â€Å"a mere fluctuating superiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or New Zealand, due to success in war and lost in turn by defeat†35), his basic conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not leading inexorably towards unification, still seems entirely reasonable. Bibliography Sources: Adomnan, Life of Columba, ed. and trans. R. Sharpe (1995) Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 1, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Beowulf, trans. S. Heaney (1999) Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969) Bede, Letter to Egbert, in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 170, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 154, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 3, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Charters: in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 54, 66-7, 76-7, 79-80, 85-7 Letters: in ‘English Historical Documents’, i, 165-6, 177-9, 191-3, 195, 197-200, 202, 204-5, 208-10, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Secondary works: S. Bassett (ed.), The Origins of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms (1989) M.P. Brown and C.A. Farr (eds.), Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe (2001) J. Campbell, Bede’s Reges and Principes (Jarrow Lecture 1979), in J. Campbell, Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (1986) J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons (1982) J. Campbell, The Impact of the Sutton Hoo Discovery on the Study of Anglo-Saxon History, in J. Campbell, The Anglo-Saxon State (2000) W. Davies and H. Vierck, The Contexts of the Tribal Hidage: Social Aggregates and Settlement Patterns, in ‘Frà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½hmittelalterliche Studien 8’ (1974) D.N. Dumville, The Aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History, in ‘Anglo-Saxon England 8’ (1979) D.N. Dumville, The Terminology of Overkingship in Early Anglo-Saxon England, in ‘The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration Period to the Eighth Century: An Ethnographic Perspective’, ed. J. Hines (1997) N.J. Higham, An English Empire: Bede and the early Anglo-Saxon kings (1995) D. Hill, Offa’s Dyke: Pattern and Purpose, in ‘Antiquaries Journal 80’ (2000) E. John, Orbis Britanniae and the Anglo-Saxon Kings, in E. John, ‘Orbis Britanniae’ (1966) J.M. Kemble, The Saxons in England, ed. and revised W. De G. Birch (1876) S. Keynes, Raedwald the Bretwalda, in ‘Voyage to the Other World: the Legacy of Sutton Hoo’, ed. C.B. Kendall and P.S. Wells (1992) S. Keynes, England 700-900, in ‘The New Cambridge Medieval History II, c.700-c.900’, ed. R. McKitterick (1995) D.P. Kirby, The Making of Early England (1967) D.P. Kirby, The Earliest English Kings (1991) J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (1969) P.H. Sawyer, From Roman Britain to Norman England (1998) F.M. Stenton, The Supremacy of the Mercian Kings (1918), in F.M. Stenton, ‘Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England’ (1970) F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971) A. Williams, Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England c.500-1066 (1999) P. Wormald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum, in ‘Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies presented to J.M. Wallace-Hadrill’, ed. P. Wormald et al. (1983) P. Wormald, The Venerable Bede and the Church of the English, ‘The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism’, ed. G. Rowell (1992) B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England (1990) 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 865 2 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 485, 491, 568, 577, 584 4 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 25; ii, 3; ii, 5 5 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 32 6 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; ii, 9 7 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 9; iii, 7 8 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 14 9 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 16 10 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, v, 23 11 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, iii, 30 12 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 13 English Historical Documents, i, 67 14 English Historical Documents, i, 76 15 English Historical Documents, i, 77 16 English Historical Documents, i, 80 17 English Historical Documents, i, 85 18 English Historical Documents, i, 87 19 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 20 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; iii, 24 21 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 22 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 23 Kirby, The Making of Early England, p 54 24 Adomnan, Life of Columba, i, 1 25 English Historical Documents, i, 177 26 English Historical Documents, i, 178 27 English Historical Documents, i, 191, 198, 210 28 English Historical Documents, i, 204, 205 29 Beowulf, lines 72-3 30 Bede, Letter to Egbert 31 English Historical Documents, i, 165 32 Dumville, The aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon constitutional history, p 13 33 Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English Historical Documents, i, 3 34 English Historical Documents, i, 202 35 Kemble, The Saxons in England, volume ii, p 17

Public Administration Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Public Administration - Research Paper Example On the other hand, employees expect the department to treat and motivate them with dignity and respect. Satisfying the needs and expectation of all stakeholders in policing organizations is quite challenging in the contemporary society. This paper examines some of the challenges involved in the management of police department. Roy, Jack and Novak (2002, p8) define management as â€Å"a process of working with employees in a humane manner for efficient and effective attainment of the organization’s goals and objectives†. In policing and other modern organizations, managing outcome and output are critical components of the management process (Stillman, 2012). In police organizations output are the activities, which a police department undertakes. Some of the activities include arresting offenders, assisting people with various problems, maintaining confidentiality and the manner in which the police officers conduct themselves. The outcomes are the results that occur from the police action and behavior. They include changes in the rate of crime, the attitude of the community towards the police and the level of contentment with the police service among other outcomes. Change in attitude and behavior of the public towards the law enforcement agencies is one of the major outcomes of the police (Ro y, Jack and Novak, 2002). In contemporary policing organization, managers of police departments are confronted with various challenges that involve integrating and balancing expectations between three important stakeholders, namely employees, the police organization and the community. The community keeps a watchful eye on the reaction and behavior of the police toward persons, the use (or misuse) of allocated resources within the police organization and how police department undertake various sensitive operations such as promotion, recruitment, prevention of crime among others. In addition, the community is

Effect of Visual Communication on Businesses Essay

Effect of Visual Communication on Businesses - Essay Example "We exist in a visual culture. The importance of reading and interpreting signs has become a rapidly increasing concern in recent years. This book offers an intricate theoretical perspective regarding the study of visual communication and expands the academic arena for debate concerning the visual. 'The significance of Jamieson's book is that it addresses the subject of the visual arts from this wider vantage point. For Jamieson, the visual arts reveal visual communication as the means by which the body and its organs communicate with its surrounding forms.' (Professor Robert Cooper, Keele University) Worth S in Studying Visual Media expresses it as "The central thread that runs through Sol Worth's research and writings is the question of how meaning is communicated through visual images. Coming to academic life after careers in painting, photography, and filmmaking, Worth was imbued with the conviction that visual media were forms of communication that, while fundamentally different from speech, could and must be seriously examined as ways by which human beings create and share meanings." The powerful effects of this visual media of communication grew faster in the 21 century due to the ubiquitous ness of the computers and the internet. Fast paced life and neck by neck business competition made businessmen and Commercial intelligentsia aware of its powerful impact on consumers and citizens of the global world. Communication was always important means of reaching out to people but the digital technology and the revolutionised electronics have not only made life swifter but also made it essential for everyone to stay connected in order to survive in the pace of globalisation and dissolving geographical boundaries in this century.Anything that is easier, faster and effective to understand and tell is the fundamental aim of every means and mode of communication today. Visual communication thus paved its way into nooks and corners of daily lives of all who walk on the earth in the modern world. From domestic to diversified sectors of business, media, commerce, health, religion, or any faculty of society, visual communication has now become a supreme form of effective communication. Corporate offices and Multinational companies have realised the importance of reaching out to their consumers. Visual communication through graphics, designs and signage has surpassed all barricades of language as a means of communication today. A visual graphic needs neither reading nor learning as it is easy to comprehend by sheer vision. Hence it has gained immeasurable popularity in the daily world including the world of business communication. Research in visual communication has proved the magnified influence of this form of communication and there is very little doubt of its becoming a panacea of top business strategies. In Visual Communication: Images with Messages Lester (California State University) "explores how the brain

The notion that Internally Displaced Persons are forced migrants Essay

The notion that Internally Displaced Persons are forced migrants denied rights to claim asylum - Essay Example The category we are interested with is the people who have been exiled within their own country. Moving on further one more that is to be known is why such migration do takes place. This can be divided into three broad classes. The first of it being the most common and easily viewed reasons keeping in view the present situations. People are forced to leave their shelter and peaceful life when their own state and government fails to provide adequate security to their people. Ibrahim, M. (2005) As a result the populace is left with no reasons to but leave their country unwillingly. Second, comes the cause when people are made to leave their homes for the so- called development the state undertakes, in many cases the people are initially promised to be given a place, a shelter but it turns out to be false. It generally incorporates in it the infrastructural improvement like dams, roads, canals, infrastructure expansion, and urban extension and so on. Finally, we have the persons who hav e been left homeless due to the uncalled natural disasters like floods, cyclones, torrential rainfalls, deadly hailstorms and the list may go on. In the recent the frequency of these calamities have led it to become one of the most prominent reason for the internally displaced people or what we may on a general base term as forced expatriates. Moreover, now we take up internally displaced people as to how they come up in this category. It is one of the most misunderstood categories. It is generally confused with refugees although both of them have and entirely different concept. Therefore we first we should have a proper idea as to what refugees are and what makes them different than the persons who are displaced within their own country. Refugees have been ensured protection with the help of different treaties, laws and conventions which also guarantees the refugees or foreign expatriates rights in any part of the world. As the UN has elaborated, refugee is term which would be give n to those entire people who are made to leave their homes and go beyond their country’s borders i.e. they move out of the place of their birth or nationality and settle in some foreign lands. Indra, D. (ed) (1999). The refugees have been recognized since the olden times, they are product of wars or foreign domination over a place. Since 1984 there has been great development so that plea of refugees can be heard and their needs can be looked after. We have many governmental and independent bodies working for refugees. On the other hand, when it comes to the IDP’s we see that they are hardly looked after. Koser K. (2007). They are not given proper rights nor are they looked after by their own state. Currently, there are present fifty-two countries, which have been inflicted by this problem. Amongst all these countries Africa tops the list with the most internally displaced people due to the ethnic and religious violence which has been ongoing for quite long. We do not h ave many organizations that are there to help these people who are made to leave their own homes and have to move some other part of the country but they are not treated in the way they should be as the citizens of the country. We have an acronym for them which DPRE’s a term used to refer such people by the governmental and military organizations. Cohen, R (2006). This is an increasing problem but has not been given much importance however, in the nineties

Interpreting the Bible Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Interpreting the Bible - Assignment Example excluded; chapters and verses were incorporated later in the medieval age; the present Revised Standard Version is the end result of several translations; translations are influenced by cultural differences, and changing languages and cultural values. There are no universally accepted, impeccable authorities to the interpretation of the Bible. Because of the factors listed above, and mainly because it is not an original source, the Bible cannot be taken at face value. As all versions of the Bible are translations, or revisions of earlier translations, total objectivity, and accuracy of the information presented, cannot be taken for granted. Each individual must make a decision, based on personal faith, and intellectual dictates, on what guides to adopt towards the interpretation. Interpretation of the Bible is unavoidable, and is largely based on personal choice. This choice can be an informed choice, taking into consideration all the implications of translation. There can be no absolutely dependable authorities in Biblical

Economic Policies of America Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Economic Policies of America - Essay Example Economic Policies of America The condition that led to capital accumulation between the years 1940 and 1970 and the development of â€Å"welfare state† in the economies that were centralized within Western Europe, United States, and Japan is known as the ‘Golden Age’. During this era, the world economy came up with conditions that ensured very high investment rates, high growth output, and low inflation and ensured low unemployment (Robert, 2002). The United States Action is based on the Keynesian Revolution theory. Revolutionary theory was a basic change in the divided economic view to a framework that is more unified. The main idea was that a policy should be changed in a way that it would change the unemployment level through deficit spending scenarios such as tax cuts on the industries and public works and also changing the interest rates and the way that money was supplied. The main idea here was that the government could change the level of employment among its citizens. This theory holds that employment is not a function of supply, but demand (Keynes, 2006). Despite the many things that this theory did not cover, America as the super power country decided to come up with policies that were to ensure that there was increased demand for their products. The United States acted among others ensured that there was a common global market with the aim to increase the demand for their products (Keynes, 2006). The theory was adopted by several governments, including the United States of America.

Ponzi Schemes And Madoff's Fraud Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Ponzi Schemes And Madoff's Fraud - Essay Example 5. Although some investors were not aware that their money was put in Madoff's funds, they must also be considered victims because their money was invested for the purpose of achieving high returns, yet this did not materialize.5. Although some investors were not aware that their money was put in Madoff's funds, they must also be considered victims because their money was invested for the purpose of achieving high returns, yet this did not materialize.6. Investors with Bernard Madoff should have checked out his claims of providing high returns by getting advice from multiple money managers. This would have ensured that an honest opinion could be formed as a result and possibly the money would never have been invested in Madoff's scheme.Summary of "How Madoff Did It: Victims' Accounts"An Unending Performance Madoff was the type of person who could display self-control yet was able to intimidate other people into giving him what he wanted. The reason that he was able to fool people for so long is due to his mastery of impression management. Madoff was a controlling figure who liked to keep the distance from his victims; this explains how he was able to conceal his crimes for so long. Madoff's sometimes random behavior only added to his intrigue because it made people wanted to invest so they could be considered privileged.Accumulated Advantage Although it is well-documented that many people lost money as a result of Madoff's scheme, there were some people who made quite a lot of money.

The effect of car usage on global warming Essay Example for Free

The effect of car usage on global warming Essay The author Tina Fanning in the newspaper article â€Å"cars no longer sustainable†, which was written in July 2007, contents the effect of car usage on global warming and the effect on the future of our children that proves the high level of harmfulness that global warming causes. The audience in this article is aiming at car users and state governors. the first argument that is used is that country people have â€Å"stopped coming to Melbourne for the big games, shopping, theater or the art galleries. † The technique that is used is reason and logic, as he uses a clear logical and rational argument to prove his point. The effect this particular argument has on the reader is that, it makes them realize one of the major negative outcomes of this issue, therefore, taking the issue less lightly and more seriously. The tone the writer has during the argument is anger, seriousness and sympathy for the people outside Melbourne who have the will to visit. the second argument involves the Victorian’s addiction to cars, and that they overuse it whilst being â€Å"dependent on cars for personal and individual status and comfort as much as for convenience.† This pushes the reader to feel a sense of guilt and shamefulness as he attacking them for being a factor of one the negative outcomes. A rhetorical question was used in order to make his point in this argument clear enough as he says â€Å"what warming signs can you see?† trying to remind the reader of the signs of global warming that accruing recently. The Tone of the writer during the argument is disappointment and accusation. The third argument in this article is that the effect of global warming is the same effect of smoking and alcohol and how it impacts on the future and the health of the people. Fanning proves this through her words â€Å"they are now on a par with social evils of smoking and alcohol†. Analogy was used, as the author compares two point of views which are smoking and alcohol with global warming trying to prove that they have same affect. The tone throughout the argument was fear and worry from the negative outcomes of this issue. The intention of the writer is persuade the readers to acknowledge the negative and harmful outcomes of the issue. Also, trying to make the reader take the issue seriously through arguments and techniques. Fanning has conditioned the reader to worry and question the negativity of global warming.

Wildlife Rehabilitation Center Essay Example for Free

Wildlife Rehabilitation Center Essay As a kid and an adult, I have encountered numerous occasions in which I’ve stumbled upon a neglected baby bird. Instinctually, I would think picking up the baby bird, bringing it into my home, and consoling it would be the most beneficial to the animal. After reading an article on South Plains Wildlife Rehabilitation Centers (SPWRC) website, I was surprised to learn doing the exact opposite would be better for the birds’ ultimate well-being. There are many issues that can be easily over looked because they do not necessarily affect one’s life directly. The both educational and environmentally beneficial programs at the South Plains Wildlife Rehabilitation Center can be a useful tool, to not only open one’s eyes to unseen issues, but also create a more diverse and stable local wildlife. South Plains Wildlife Rehabilitation Center hosts a variety of volunteer opportunities. In my opinion the most exciting program would be the hands on wildlife care program. This program involves, preparing meals, feeding animals, and helping with medical treatment, all while creating unique bonds with each animal. Also, the volunteer would learn the procedures for aiding the animals that are brought in for care and answering any questions about a wildlife emergency properly. If one is more drawn to the outdoors and wants more of a physical volunteer experience, helping with the building and grounds maintenance is a perfect opportunity for physical work. The program involves handy work, lawn care, landscaping, and general maintenance activities. Most importantly, this program includes the responsibility of maintaining a clean and suitable environment for the animals. Another opportunistic program with SPWRC is the environmental education program. This program is for volunteers who enjoy educating the public, it involves setting up educational materials, being able to handle educational animals, and teaching the community about the centers’ wildlife. To aid in this program volunteers will learn new materials necessary to inform the public and will also need to be open to creating ideas to help form new community outreach programs. For some volunteers who prefer to be a little more behind the scenes, there are opportunities to assist in fundraising and clerical work around the center. Fundraising will need volunteers to be able to participate and help with campaign activities. Clerical work will involve simple errands that will aid in the administrative office with staying up to date with important information. To get started with volunteering at South Plains Wildlife Rehabilitation Center, first depends on whether the volunteer is an adult or junior. Juniors’ fall under the age group of twelve to seventeen years old, because of their age, they need a parents’ approval and are restricted in helping with certain animals. An adult volunteer can help with any of the animals, if properly vaccinated and possesses a certificate with a notary seal for proof. There is also a questionnaire that must be filled out by all volunteers. After the proper vaccinations and the questionnaire have been completed, they will be sent to the volunteer coordinator. Soon after, the volunteer will be called for an orientation session, if qualified. South Plains Wildlife Rehabilitation Center is a non-profit organization that solely depends on its volunteers and the amount of donations given by the community. Without these two major factors, the rehabilitation center would not be able to function. With volunteering, an important role in this organization, there are a variety of volunteer opportunities waiting to be fulfilled. No matter how one chooses to get involved with SPWRC’s programs, the benefits of doing so echo both throughout the community and within oneself.